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Piccolo viaggio tra storia e geografia in compagnia della parola Lucania. |
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"Lucania" era il nome di una famosa, veloce e bellissima nave. "Lucania" si chiama una montagna canadese alta più di 5.000 mt. e il nome "Lucania" è stato dato a ristoranti, a vie ed anche a lampade moderne. "Lucania" si chiama un pesce americano. In Lucania sono nati alcuni dei padri del pensiero occidentale: filosofi come Zeno o Parmenide e poeti come Orazio Flacco e.... |
Lucania word in the world. ...curiosando tra rizoma e radici si scoprono lucani divenuti famosi che ci fa piacere ricordare per tirarci un pò sù il morale. Naturalmente è gente emigrata o figli di emigrati , essendo obiettivamente un pò difficile divenire famosi restando in regione. La regione è piccola e piuttosto isolata. Un esempio. Se l'ingegnere Romeo (figlio di due maestri elementari di Tricarico e laureatosi a Napoli) non avesse raggiunto Milano, è ipotizzabile che avesse messo sù una ditta di automobili, l'Alfa Romeo, dalle parti di Potenza o di Matera? Andando indietro nel tempo: ... il signor Ugo de Payan sarebbe diventato ugualmente famoso se non si fosse allontanato da Forenza, raggiunto la Terra Santa e lì fondato uno dei più famosi e misteriosi ordini cavallereschi: i Templari? Successe agli inizi del XII sec. . Non ci si meravigli molto: gli Altavilla (la famiglia di Roberto il Guiscardo, Ruggero e Federico II) scesero dalla Normandia e fecero di Melfi la loro principale città, scegliendo la SS. Trinità di Venosa come cappella di famiglia. Forenza è a un tiro di schioppo da Venosa e da Melfi. Ma torniamo ai giorni nostri e all'attore Danny De Vito, di famiglia originaria lucana, così come sembra che sia originaria di un paesino lucano anche la nonna (o invece si tratta della madre?) dell'ex Presidente Bill Clinton, che dovrebbe chiamarsi Filetti o Filitti. La notizia è da confermare. E' invece senz'altro di origine lucana la famiglia di Vittorio Cecchi-Gori che possiede ancora oggi una casa a Melfi. Nativo di Rionero è il critico Beniamino Placido, e oriundo sempre di Rionero è l'attore Michele Placido, mentre oriunda di Palazzo S.G. è invece la regista Lina Wertmuller, e sempre da Rionero veniva il regista Pasquale Festa Campanile. E' invece oriundo di Ripacandida William Donato Phillips, premio Nobel per la Fisica 1997, nato nel 1948 a Wilkes-Barre, in Pennsylvania, mentre la madre, Mary Catherine Savino, era nata nel 1913 a Ripacandida ed emigrata negli State's all'età di sette anni nel 1920. Nel 2004 Francis Ford Coppola, originario di Bernalda, in provincia di Matera, ha comprato palazzo Margherita. Dopo gli impegni presi con funzionari regionali ci si augura che possa realmente andare in porto il programmato progetto del regista di sviluppare percorsi legati al cinema in terra lucana in correlazione con quanto fa e produce negli studios americani. Nipote di Francis Coppola, figlio del fratello, è Nicolas Cage, anche lui, dunque, di origine lucana. |
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Copyright. Non vi è nessuna intenzione di infrangere copyright o di offendere qualcuno per cui, se ciò dovesse capitare, inviateci una email e provvederemo alla rimozione delle immagini o degli articoli che vi hanno creato problemi. There is no intention to infringe any copyright, however, should any be infringed please advise via the E-Mail address above and any offending Images/References will be removed. |



Photo by: Fritz Rohde
Lucania parva (Baird and Girard 1855)
Common Name: rainwater killifish.
Identification: : Smith (1985); Menhinick (1991); Page and Burr (1991); Mettee et al. (1996).
Native Range: Marine, but enters freshwater from Massachusetts to Mexico. Ascends Rio Grande and Pecos rivers, Texas and New Mexico (Hubbs and Miller 1965; Page and Burr 1991).
Size: 7 cm.
Nonindigenous Occurrences: The species was introduced into Lake Irvine in the Los Angeles basin and into the San Francisco Bay area, California (Sigler and Miller 1963; Hubbs and Miller 1965; Moyle 1976a; Dill and Cordone 1997); the Blue Lake area, Nevada, near the Utah border (Deacon and Williams 1984); the Great Swamp, New Jersey (Stiles 1978); the lower Pecos and Rio Grande drainages, New Mexico (Sublette et al. 1990; Platania 1991); the coastal region of Oregon, including Yaquina Bay drainage (Sigler and Miller 1963; Hubbs and Miller 1965; Moyle 1976a; Bond 1994; Dill and Cordone 1997); Clear Creek (San Saba River drainage), Texas (Hubbs et al. 1991); and Timpie Springs and Blue Lake, Utah (Sigler and Miller 1963; Hubbs and Miller 1965; Moyle 1976a; Dill and Cordone 1997).
Means of Introduction: Many introductions likely were the result of contaminated stock (Sigler and Miller 1963; Hubbs and Miller 1965; Moyle 1976a, 1976b). In Utah, rainwater killifish arrived as a stock contaminate in a shipment of largemouth bass (Sigler and Sigler 1987). In northern California and Oregon, rainwater killifish may have been transported as eggs on planted oysters (Moyle 1976a, 1976b) or with ballast water from the Atlantic Coast (Hubbs and Miller 1965). In southern California it was a contaminant in a shipment of largemouth bass (Moyle 1976b). Hubbs and Miller (1965) indicated some introductions may have resulted when the species was stocked along with Gambusia during mosquito control operations, or from aquarium release. Most of the original introductions in the western United States apparently occurred during the 1940s and 1950s (Hubbs and Miller 1965). The species was introduced into the Great Swamp in New Jersey in 1969 (Stiles 1978) and into Texas in about 1980 (Hubbs et al. 1991), but the reasons for these introductions were not given.
Status: Presumably established in California, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon, Texas, and Utah.
Impact of Introduction: Unknown.
Remarks: Hubbs and Miller (1965) reviewed the introduction history of this species and provided a map distinguishing introduced and native records.
Deacon, J. E., and J. E. Williams. 1984. Annotated list of the fishes of Nevada. Proceedings of the Biological Society of Washington 97(1):103-118.
Hubbs, C. L., and R. R. Miller. 1965. Studies of cyprinodontid fishes. XXII: variation in Lucania parva, its establishment in western United States, and description of a new species from an interior basin in Coahuila, Mexico. Miscellaneous Publications of the University of Michigan Museum of Zoology 127. pp. 1-104.
Hubbs, C., R. J. Edwards, and G. P. Garrett. 1991. An annotated checklist of freshwater fishes of Texas, with key to identification of species. Texas Journal of Science, Supplement 43(4):1-56.
Moyle, P. B. 1976a. Inland fishes of California. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
Moyle, P. B. 1976b. Fish introduction in California: history and impact on native fishes. Biological Conservation 9:101-118.
Page, L. M., and B. M. Burr. 1991. A field guide to freshwater fishes of North America north of Mexico. The Peterson Field Guide Series, volume 42. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, MA.
Platania, S. P. 1991. Fishes of the Rio Chama and upper Rio Grande, New Mexico, with preliminary comments on their longitudinal distribution. Southwestern Naturalist 36(2):186-193.
Schmidt, B. - Chief Fisheries Mangement, Division of Wildlife Resources, Salt Lake City, UT. Response to NBS-G non-indigenous questionaire. 1992.
Sigler, F. F., and R. R. Miller. 1963. Fishes of Utah. Utah Department of Fish and Game, Salt Lake City, UT. 203 pp.
Stiles, E. W. 1978. Vertebrates of New Jersey. Edmund W. Stiles, Somerset, NJ.
Sublette, J. E., M. D. Hatch, and M. Sublette. 1990. The fishes of New Mexico. New Mexico Department of Game and Fish, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM. 393 pp.
Author: Pam Fuller
Revision Date: 19 June 2000
| This page was prepared by the Florida
Caribbean Science Center. The Center is part of the Biological
Resources Division of the Geological
Survey within the U. S. Department of
the Interior |
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Source: http://nas.er.usgs.gov/fishes/accounts/fundulid/lu_parva.html
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Lucania (1893 - 1909) |
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History |
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When Cunard Lines decided to build the Campania and Lucania, the Battle for the Blue Riband entered a new phase ... In the last years of the 19th century, this battle was fought between England and Germany, who made significant investments in their fleet. With the building of those two new ships, Cunard began a period of four years in which the Riband was theirs without exception. |
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The Lucania was a steady and reliable ship and was in Cunard service until 1909. At that time the other Cunarders Mauretania and Lusitania were into service and the older ships could be missed. On 14 August 1909, a fire broke out on board the Lucania. The damage caused by the fire was considered too substantial to repair and the Lucania was towed to the ship breakers. |
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Source: http://www.blueriband.com/Portraits/Lucania/body_lucania.html
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Piroscafo di bandiera inglese, fra i più belli ed eleganti dell' Atlantico, il Lucania conquistò il Nastro Azzurro nel 1894 compiendo la traversata in 5 giorni, 12 ore e 57 minuti, a una velocità media di 21,75 nodi.
Source: http://mare.mursia.com/vela/lungarotta/capohorn/lucania.html
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Salones de Convenciones
preparados para convertirse en ball-room, con capacidad para 400 personas. Banquetes - Cocktails - Fiestas. |
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Source: http://www.lucania-palazzo.com/eventos.html
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recessed mounting |
http://www.faros.at/en/products/lucania.html
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| Quel
che accade (o non succede) in Parlamento |
Ministro
Diliberto faccia lei quello che non ha fatto Flick 29 Dicembre '98 |
NOTA D'INTRODUZIONE (a cura di Lucaniaonline.it) Una volta Savoia di Lucania si chiamava Salvia. Un giorno un suo cittadino attentò alla vita di Umberto I. Era l'anno 1878.. |
![]() Giorgio Frasca Polara |
Questa è la storia
un teschio, anzi di due. Ed è anche su vicende così macabre che si
misura ogni tanto la civiltà di un paese. E di un governo, anzi di
due. La premessa, anzi la prima delle premesse. Giovanni Passannante,
repubblicano, anarchico, nato a Salvia (Potenza), attentò nel 1878
con un coltello alla vita di Umberto I. Il cosiddetto "re
buono" riportò solo una lievissima ferita. Ma l’attentatore fu
condannato a morte, pena poi commutata – dio, quant’erano generosi
i Savoia – nell’ergastolo. Passannante morì nel manicomio
giudiziario di Montelupo Fiorentino tra atroci sofferenze. Ma la
crudeltà nei suoi confronti non s’attenuò neanche dopo la morte:
decapitato (il cadavere!), cranio e cervello furono esposti – logica
lombrosiana imperante – nel Museo criminologico di Roma, a due passi
da Campo de’ Fiori.
Nel luglio scorso il deputato laburista Gianni Pittella, e altri deputati eletti in Lucania, avevano chiesto al ministro della Giustizia, Giovanni Maria Flick, se non ritenesse opportuno riconsegnare i poveri resti di Passannante alla sua città natale. (Anche Salvia nel frattempo subì le conseguenze dell’attentato: fu imposto il cambio del nome, e la cittadina fu ribattezzata Savoia di Lucania, e così si chiama tuttora.) Incredulo, ero andato di persona al Museo criminologico a verificare. Nonostante che il museo sia stato completamente rinnovato appena qualche anno addietro, e nonostante sia stata completamente cancellata (a parole come vedrete subito, solo a parole) ogni suggestione lombrosiana, il macabro trofeo è ancora al suo posto, in una apposita vetrina, e ci resta sulla base di un ragionamento paradossale. Questo: se un tempo l’esposizione del cranio e del cervello di Passannante era dettata dallo "intento di screditare quei fenomeni di ribellione politica, come l’attentato, che rappresentavano un pericolo per l’ordine costituito"; oggi che "le teorie sulla delinquenza atavica sono del tutto superate" l’orribile esposizione "ha un senso nel nuovo allestimento del Museo, in quanto testimonianza di una pseudo scienza che liquidava come patologico tutto ciò che non era conforme al concetto dio ‘normalità’ dell’ideologia politica dominante". Bene, questo vergognoso ma essenziale dettaglio – cranio e cervello restano esposti non più al ludibrio, ma come "documento" del passato ludibrio – non era noto neppure a Pittella e ai suoi colleghi che avevano interrogato Flick, e che aspettavano al varco della Camera il ministro della Giustizia per chiedergli anche se intendesse sottoscrivere quest’ipocrita giustificazione. Ma tutta l’estate non è evidentemente bastata a imbastire una risposta, e la successiva crisi ha risparmiato a Flick di rispondere, di cavarsi insomma dall’impiccio (sarebbe stato un impiccio?) di quel gesto – autoritativo, sì – che tutti si aspettavano: l’annuncio dell’ordine di rimuovere l’orribile trofeo e, appunto, di restituire se non alla famiglia almeno ai concittadini la testa di Passannante. Cade dunque il governo Prodi, nasce quello di D’Alema, al posto di Flick s’insedia al ministero di via Arenula Oliviero Diliberto, uomo di sicura sensibilità democratica e di notorio umano sentire. La risposta all’interrogazione di Pittella tarda ancora, ma (ne siamo certi) verrà e (vogliamo sperare) cancellerà con quasi un secolo di ritardo l’oltraggio della monarchia e quello – mascherato, tutto ipocrita – della repubblica. Se non che Diliberto arriverà in ritardo. E con lui l’Italia. Già, perché nel frattempo un altro paese – la piccola Austria – ha dato ben altra lezione di civiltà. E siamo così alla seconda premessa. Al Museo patologico di Vienna era esposta – stessa regìa lombrosiana, e stesso vindice atteggiamento – la testa di un altro anarchico italiano, quel Luigi Lucheni condannato a morte e ucciso cent’anni fa per avere a sua volta ucciso Elisabetta d’Austria, la famosa (e cinematograficamente zuccherosa: un falso, ché era donna volitiva e, sembra, fondamentalmente antimonarchica) Sissi. Era un corteo continuo, al Museo viennese: la testimonianza di una curiosità morbosa, alimentata dalle agenzie turistiche. Venghino, venghino a vedere la testa di Lucheni, l’assassino di Sissi che ha avuto quel che si meritava. Beh, sapete cosa ha fatto la direttrice di quel museo? Non ha aspettato interrogazioni, non ha interpellato ministri, non si è fatta insomma autorizzare da nessuno per compiere un gesto di civiltà: ha fatto seppellire la testa di Luigi Lucheni, e i più (i più civili) hanno tirato un sospiro di sollievo. Ministro Diliberto, quando anche in Italia i più (i più civili) potranno tirare un sospiro di sollievo sapendo che teschio e cervello del povero Passannante sono tornati a Savoia di Lucania, pardon: a Salvia? |
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http://www.pds.it/parlamento/diliberto2912.htm
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by Sim Andrulli
"What
is Basilicata? Basilicata was an immense forest. We need to go back to ancient
times in order to solve its problems" said Francesco Saverio Nitti at the
beginning of the century.
Nervous hills, haggard bushes, yellowish grass blades, dry riverbeds ready to swell frighteningly after the slightest rainfall. Torrents and badlands are not a peculiarity of Basilicata but it is perhaps here where this geological disorder is enormously showy.
"Forest precedes man, desert follows him" said
Chateaubriand about the Mediterranean landscape. In fact, not so long ago
Basilicata
was
covered by forests whose impenetrability was well-known to Romans who colonized
it marginally throughout their domination. Its ancient inhabitants, the
Lucanians, were along the Sannites, the fiercest enemies of Rome on "Italian"
soil and the fate assigned to them by the Urbs (Rome) was not magnanimous as
they were condemned to total isolation. Perhaps due to this ancestral isolation,
unlike other Italian regions Basilicata has maintained unaltered peasant
traditions. Horses and oxen have been replaced by tractors but the atmosphere is
still the same. The June yellow harvest are followed by the black and acrid
August landscape. The first fall rainfall seep into the water thirsting soil and
the dull colors of the summer end are enriched by new tones and the soil opened
by plough, shows an unsuspected color range variety. Trees let their leaves fall
at the first cold spell....seasons punctually follow.
"Observing
is not the same thing like watching attentively. Look carefully this color and
tell me what it reminds you of. If the color changes, you are not looking
anymore at what I meant. We observe to see what we haven't seen while we were
not observing" (Ludwig Wittgenstein)
In Basilicata you can see all or nothing! Hills as big as mountains, houses on the top of the highest peak. The towns, so similar so different, look like that. Perhaps it is there where they invented the birds. The road winds like a spiral staircase and take refuge in town to escape from badlands'extreme steepness, from valley shade, from malaria old stories whispered by dark bushes. Throughout the sky, out of the roof and gardens, down to white precipices made of high ridges, ravines and caves for pigs, cloudy forms of birds fall down like rain. There is not end at their flight, in the summer full of azure winds and warmth and food and gaiety, in woods and space forbidden to man. The words evaporate among bird's screeching, they bounce off the nibbles grasses and slip into the pigsties dug into the sandstone where pigs smile, grunt and dream. They dream a bog rich of acorns and figs, they grunt at the memory of the udders of a sow on heat, they smile at the sun and their pigtails become curly gone into ecstasy.
The main road "Il Corso", consists of one or two floor rocky houses flaunting grayish plaster remains. In the houses, where women and old folks live, men are few. Girls of marriageable age sigh love with the old game "he loves me, he loves me not"; they check in the mirror their reflection to be offered to the eyes of young men resting on street corners. Shut up in their room, smothered by twilight, a young woman draws saliva signs around her nipples: she dreams the flesh terrors and the bride's ring.
In
the street, black dressed women juggle with absurd bundles over their head. A
young woman with trousers slips through the arches. An old yellow dog is lying
down on the ground, full of centuries-old boredom......
Basilicata has changed very little. There are more antennas than roofs. The women crowd around the pedlar: he brings important news from the near town touched along his itinerary. Television tells of wars, economic crisis, all things that are too big and faraway to be really interested on. Overall it doesn't mention who is dead and how, who got married and with whom, if that annoying pain of the aunt of the near town is over...Time scanned by sun and stars not by clocks. During the hottest hours cicadas fill the air with their amorous calls...
Source: http://perso.club-internet.fr/sandrull/italy_of_lucania.html
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"Carlo Levi y la Lucania", se titula la exposición que se inaugurará el jueves 4 de junio, a las 19 horas, en el Museo Nacional de Artes Visuales del Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, con los auspicios del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y de la Embajada de Italia en el Uruguay. Para la inauguración se contará con la presencia del diputado de la Región Basilicata, doctor Rocco Curcio.
Carlo Levi nació en Turín el 29 de noviembre de 1902 y murió en Roma el 4 de enero de 1975. Estudió medicina y se licenció en 1924. Su primera exposición la realizó en Turín en 1923. Desde 1924 participó regularmente en las Bienales de Venecia. A partir de 1925 comenzaron sus frecuentes estadías en París, ciudad en la cual realizó la primera exposición personal en 1932 y en la que vivió por largos períodos desarrollando una intensa actividad pictórica. En Italia fue detenido varias veces, la primera en 1934, por sus relaciones con "Giustizia e Liberta". En 1935 fue condenado a tres años de destierro bajo vigilancia policial en Lucania, antes en Grassano y luego en Aliano. En 1937 muchas obras del período lucano fueron expuestas en una exposición en Roma e incluidas posteriormente en una muestra antológica de pintura italiana en Nueva York. En 1939 emigró a Francia, de donde regresó en 1941. Adherido al Partito d'Azione, fue nuevamente detenido en Florencia en la primavera de 1943 y liberado en julio de ese año. La Bienal de Venecia de 1954 organizó una sala dedicada a Levi, en la que se expusieron numerosas pinturas de tema lucano. Veinte años más tarde, en 1974, se llevó a cabo una amplia muestra de su obra figurativa en el Palazzo Te de Mantua. En 1963 fue elegido senador como independiente en las listas del P.C.I., nombramiento que se confirmó en las elecciones de 1967.
Autor, además, de varias obras literarias, en 1945 publicó la novela
"Cristo se detuvo en Eboli", obra semiautobiográfica escrita en
Florencia en los años de la guerra y relativa a su experiencia del destierro,
que en los setenta fuera llevada al cine con la dirección de Francesco Rosi y
el papel protagónico de Gian Maria Volonté.
La strada delle Grotte
La crítica en general ha considerado que Levi alcanzó la madurez pictórica en su evolución figurativa con la producción lucana, separándola de la fase lírica turinesa y de las instancias impresionistas de la pintura del período 1931 a 1933. Ferrata afirmó que en el mundo lucano de Levi "ya está creado todo y por eso puede convertirse de una manera superior en objetivo, y la discordia de la pintura moderna se supera en un realismo esencial". Muchas de sus pinturas del destierro lucano aparecen como una precoz solución a problemas y temáticas que iban madurando hacia la mitad de los años treinta entre Milán y Roma y que encontrarían un terreno de reflexión y experimentación pictórica sólo a finales de la década, gracias a las personalidades que se movían alrededor de las revistas "Prospettive" y "Corrente". El exilio de Levi en París le impidió una participación activa en el debate, pero la actualidad de la poética de su pintura lucana y la originalidad de las propuestas figurativas ya habían aparecido en toda su evidencia. Y así fueron comentadas por la crítica de la época.
Source: http://www.zfm.com/mnav/levi.htm
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Sear Greek Coins and their Values (SG) Number sg0447
Thourioi, Lucania, AR stater
| Example No. 2: | Text | ![]() |
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Source: http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/sg/sg0447.t.html
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Third Grade Mira Catalina Elementary 30511 Lucania Drive Rancho Palos Verdes CA 90275 (310) 377-6731 extension 202 ![]() naylorw@mail.pvpusd.k12.ca.us
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Source: http://www.pvpusd.k12.ca.us/teachweb/naylor/nayindex.htm
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Anticamente l'odierna Basilicata si chiamava Lucania perchè i suoi abitanti
erano grandi bevitori di Amaro Lucano, da cui il nome lucani.
Originariamente i lucani non abitavano nella regione che conosciamo oggi, ma in
zone delle odierne Lombardia ed Emilia Romagna e se le cose fossero rimaste così,
oggi parleremmo non di Grana Padano, ma di Grana Lucano, non di Padania, ma di
Lucania. Infatti, millenni or sono, si ebbe una grossa migrazione di lucani
verso i luoghi in cui risiedono oggigiorno.
Una notte si ubriacarono a tal punto con lamaro, che iniziarono a camminare e
camminare fino a quando non raggiunsero delle colline che li fermarono.
Qui, non accorgendosi dellostacolo naturale, continuarono a camminare e sbattere
la testa sulle colline per giorni e giorni e poichè oltre ad essere ubriachi,
avevano la testa dura, riuscirono a perforarle.
Nacquero così. i famosi Sassi di Matera.
Quando lubriachezza finì decisero di rimanervi e di non tornare più al nord,
perchè scoprirono che nei Sassi lAmaro Lucano si conservava fresco anche
destate. Le zone attorno a Matera erano ricoperte di basilico. Cresceva
dappertutto, bastava non lavarsi i capelli per un giorno e ci si ritrovava una
piantina in testa.Vi era così tanto basilico che il suo profumo arrivava anche
nelle regioni vicine.
Addirittura i napoletani, quando preparavano la loro pizza pomodoro e basilico,
non dovevano metterci il basilico perchè bastava già laria.Purtroppo cera
qualche inconveniente, ad esempio anche i babà avevano il sapore di basilico.
I lucani decisero allora di chiamare la loro nuova patria oltre che Lucania
anche Basilicata.
Le attività dei primi lucani si concentrarono soprattutto nellallevamento del
bestiame sui monti e nella pesca lungo la costa.
Importanza storica hanno ancora oggi gli allevamenti sui monti al confine tra
Basilicata e Calabria.Infatti qui gli antichi pastori lucani allevavano molte
specie animali come vitelli, cavalli, pecore, conigli e tante altre ancora,
tranne i polli, che proprio non sopportavano.
Se qualcuno chiedeva ad uno di questi pastori cosa alleva ?, egli rispondeva
vitelli, cavalli, pecore, conigli, polli no.Capito ? Polli, no! e per questa
caratteristica, il luogo in cui i pastori lavoravano venne chiamato massiccio
del Pollino. Sulla costa invece si praticava un tipo di pesca usato ancora oggi:
la pesca di beneficenza; dove la beneficenza è a favore dei pesci.
La particolarità della pesca di beneficenza è che i pesci, prima che i
pescatori vadano via, ringraziano per la cena offertagli.
Per tutte queste qualità tipiche dei lucani, ancora oggi alla domanda cosa vuoi
di più dalla vita ?, si sente rispondere un LUCANO!
Gip
Source: http://gulliver.unian.it/giornale/arretrati/giugno97/lucania.html
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Zeno was a pupil and friend of the philosopher Parmenides and studied with him in Elea. The Eleatic School, one of the leading pre-Socratic schools of Greek philosophy, had been founded by Parmenides in Elea in southern Italy. His philosophy of monism claimed that the many things which appear to exist are merely a single eternal reality which he called Being. His principle was that "all is one" and that change or non-Being are impossible. Certainly Zeno was greatly influenced by the arguments of Parmenides and Plato tells us that the two philosophers visited Athens together in around 450 BC.
Despite Plato's description of the visit of Zeno and Parmenides to Athens, it is far from universally accepted that the visit did indeed take place. However, Plato tell us that Socrates, who was then young, met Zeno and Parmenides on their visit to Athens and discussed philosophy with them. Given the best estimates of the dates of birth of these three philosophers, Socrates would be about 20, Zeno about 40, and Parmenides about 65 years of age at the time, so Plato's claim is certainly possible.
Zeno had already written a work on philosophy before his visit to Athens and Plato reports that Zeno's book meant that he had achieved a certain fame in Athens before his visit there. Unfortunately no work by Zeno has survived, but there is very little evidence to suggest that he wrote more than one book. The book Zeno wrote before his visit to Athens was his famous work which, according to Proclus, contained forty paradoxes concerning the continuum. Four of the paradoxes, which we shall discuss in detail below, were to have a profound influence on the development of mathematics.
Diogenes Laertius [10] gives further details of Zeno's life which are generally thought to be unreliable. Zeno returned to Elea after the visit to Athens and Diogenes Laertius claims that he met his death in a heroic attempt to remove a tyrant from the city of Elea. The stories of his heroic deeds and torture at the hands of the tyrant may well be pure inventions. Diogenes Laertius also writes about Zeno's cosmology and again there is no supporting evidence regarding this, but we shall give some indication below of the details.
Zeno's book of forty paradoxes was, according to Plato [8]:-
... a youthful effort, and it was stolen by someone, so that the author had no opportunity of considering whether to publish it or not. Its object was to defend the system of Parmenides by attacking the common conceptions of things.Proclus also described the work and confirms that [1]:-
... Zeno elaborated forty different paradoxes following from the assumption of plurality and motion, all of them apparently based on the difficulties deriving from an analysis of the continuum.In his arguments against the idea that the world contains more than one thing, Zeno derived his paradoxes from the assumption that if a magnitude can be divided then it can be divided infinitely often. Zeno also assumes that a thing which has no magnitude cannot exist. Simplicius, the last head of Plato's Academy in Athens, preserved many fragments of earlier authors including Parmenides and Zeno. Writing in the first half of the sixth century he explained Zeno's argument why something without magnitude could not exist [1]:-
For if it is added to something else, it will not make it bigger, and if it is subtracted, it will not make it smaller. But if it does not make a thing bigger when added to it nor smaller when subtracted from it, then it appears obvious that what was added or subtracted was nothing.Although Zeno's argument is not totally convincing at least, as Makin writes in [25]:-
Zeno's challenge to simple pluralism is successful, in that he forces anti-Parmenideans to go beyond common sense.The paradoxes that Zeno gave regarding motion are more perplexing. Aristotle, in his work Physics, gives four of Zeno's arguments, The Dichotomy, The Achilles, The Arrow, and The Stadium. For the dichotomy, Aristotle describes Zeno's argument (in Heath's translation [8]):-
There is no motion because that which is moved must arrive at the middle of its course before it arrives at the end.In order the traverse a line segment it is necessary to reach its midpoint. To do this one must reach the 1/4 point, to do this one must reach the 1/8 point and so on ad infinitum. Hence motion can never begin. The argument here is not answered by the well known infinite sum
1/2 + 1/4 + 1/8 + ... = 1On the one hand Zeno can argue that the sum 1/2 + 1/4 + 1/8 + ... never actually reaches 1, but more perplexing to the human mind is the attempts to sum 1/2 + 1/4 + 1/8 + ... backwards. Before traversing a unit distance we must get to the middle, but before getting to the middle we must get 1/4 of the way, but before we get 1/4 of the way we must reach 1/8 of the way etc. This argument makes us realise that we can never get started since we are trying to build up this infinite sum from the "wrong" end. Indeed this is a clever argument which still puzzles the human mind today.
Zeno bases both the dichotomy paradox and the attack on simple pluralism on the fact that once a thing is divisible, then it is infinitely divisible. One could counter his paradoxes by postulating an atomic theory in which matter was composed of many small indivisible elements. However other paradoxes given by Zeno cause problems precisely because in these cases he considers that seemingly continuous magnitudes are made up of indivisible elements. Such a paradox is 'The Arrow' and again we give Aristotle's description of Zeno's argument (in Heath's translation [8]):-
If, says Zeno, everything is either at rest or moving when it occupies a space equal to itself, while the object moved is in the instant, the moving arrow is unmoved.The argument rests on the fact that if in an indivisible instant of time the arrow moved, then indeed this instant of time would be divisible (for example in a smaller 'instant' of time the arrow would have moved half the distance). Aristotle argues against the paradox by claiming:-
... for time is not composed of indivisible 'nows', no more than is any other magnitude.However, this is considered by some to be irrelevant to Zeno's argument. Moreover to deny that 'now' exists as an instant which divides the past from the future seems also to go against intuition. Of course if the instant 'now' does not exist then the arrow never occupies any particular position and this doesn't seem right either. Again Zeno has presented a deep problem which, despite centuries of efforts to resolve it, still seems to lack a truly satisfactory solution. As Frankel writes in [20]:-
The human mind, when trying to give itself an accurate account of motion, finds itself confronted with two aspects of the phenomenon. Both are inevitable but at the same time they are mutually exclusive. Either we look at the continuous flow of motion; then it will be impossible for us to think of the object in any particular position. Or we think of the object as occupying any of the positions through which its course is leading it; and while fixing our thought on that particular position we cannot help fixing the object itself and putting it at rest for one short instant.Vlastos (see [32]) points out that if we use the standard mathematical formula for velocity we have v = s/t, where s is the distance travelled and t is the time taken. If we look at the velocity at an instant we obtain v = 0/0, which is meaningless. So it is fair to say that Zeno here is pointing out a mathematical difficulty which would not be tackled properly until limits and the differential calculus were studied and put on a proper footing.
As can be seen from the above discussion, Zeno's paradoxes are important in the development of the notion of infinitesimals. In fact some authors claim that Zeno directed his paradoxes against those who were introducing infinitesimals. Anaxagoras and the followers of Pythagoras, with their development of incommensurables, are also thought by some to be the targets of Zeno's arguments (see for example [10]). Certainly it appears unlikely that the reason given by Plato, namely to defend Parmenides' philosophical position, is the whole explanation of why Zeno wrote his famous work on paradoxes.
The most famous of Zeno's arguments is undoubtedly the Achilles. Heath's translation from Aristotle's Physics is:-
... the slower when running will never be overtaken by the quicker; for that which is pursuing must first reach the point from which that which is fleeing started, so that the slower must necessarily always be some distance ahead.Most authors, starting with Aristotle, see this paradox to be essentially the same as the Dichotomy. For example Makin [25] writes:-
... as long as the Dichotomy can be resolved, the Achilles can be resolved. The resolutions will be parallel.As with most statements about Zeno's paradoxes, there is not complete agreement about any particular position. For example Toth [29] disputes the similarity of the two paradoxes, claiming that Aristotle's remarks leave much to be desired and suggests that the two arguments have entirely different structures.
Both Plato and Aristotle did not fully appreciate the significance of Zeno's arguments. As Heath says [8]:-
Aristotle called them 'fallacies', without being able to refute them.Russell certainly did not underrate Zeno's significance when he wrote in [13]:-
In this capricious world nothing is more capricious than posthumous fame. One of the most notable victims of posterity's lack of judgement is the Eleatic Zeno. Having invented four arguments all immeasurably subtle and profound, the grossness of subsequent philosophers pronounced him to be a mere ingenious juggler, and his arguments to be one and all sophisms. After two thousand years of continual refutation, these sophisms were reinstated, and made the foundation of a mathematical renaissance ....Here Russell is thinking of the work of Cantor, Frege and himself on the infinite and particularly of Weierstrass on the calculus. In [2] the relation of the paradoxes to mathematics is also discussed, and the author comes to a conclusion similar to Frankel in the above quote:-
Although they have often been dismissed as logical nonsense, many attempts have also been made to dispose of them by means of mathematical theorems, such as the theory of convergent series or the theory of sets. In the end, however, the difficulties inherent in his arguments have always come back with a vengeance, for the human mind is so constructed that it can look at a continuum in two ways that are not quite reconcilable.It is difficult to tell precisely what effect the paradoxes of Zeno had on the development of Greek mathematics. B L van der Waerden (see [31]) argues that the mathematical theories which were developed in the second half of the fifth century BC suggest that Zeno's work had little influence. Heath however seems to detect a greater influence [8]:-
Mathematicians, however, ... realising that Zeno's arguments were fatal to infinitesimals, saw that they could only avoid the difficulties connected with them by once and for all banishing the idea of the infinite, even the potentially infinite, altogether from their science; thenceforth, therefore, they made no use of magnitudes increasing or decreasing ad infinitum, but contented themselves with finite magnitudes that can be made as great or as small as we please.We commented above that Diogenes Laertius in [10] describes a cosmology that he believes is due to Zeno. According to his description, Zeno proposed a universe consisting of several worlds, composed of "warm" and "cold, "dry" and "wet" but no void or empty space. Because this appears to have nothing in common with his paradoxes, it is usual to take the line that Diogenes Laertius is in error. However, there is some evidence that this type of belief was around in the fifth century BC, particularly associated with medical theory, and it could easily have been Zeno's version of a belief held by the Eleatic School.
Article by: J J O'Connor and E F Robertso
| http://www-groups.dcs.st-and.ac.uk/~history/Mathematicians/Zeno_of_Elea.html | ||
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| Salvatore Lucania "Lucky Luciano" |
| b. November 24, 1897. d. January 26, 1962. Mafia Figure. Died of a heart attack at the Naples, Italy airport.. Saint John's Cemetery, Queens, New York, USA Cause of Death: heart attack. Search Amazon.com for books about Salvatore Lucania |
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65 Quintus Horatius Flaccus was born 8 December 65BC in Venusia, a Roman military colony in southeastern Italy on the border between Apulia and Lucania (Vita). His full name is attested in his poetry and an inscription on the "Carmen Saeculare," a poem commissioned by Augustus for performance at the Secular games of 17BC: (1) Quintus (S.2.6:37), Horatius (C.4.6:44; E.1.14:5), Flaccus (I.15:12, S.2.1:18); (2) carmen composuit Q. Hor[at]ius Flaccus ("Q. Horatius Flaccus wrote the poem" [Carmen Saeculare] ILS 5050). His father was a manumitted slave (S.1.6:6 and 45-46) who worked as a coactor argentarius, or auction broker (S.i.6:86-87), and acquired a small holding (S.1.6:71) which Horace with disingenuous humility calls a "starveling farm." Horace says nothing about his mother, but does mention the name of his nurse, Pullia (C.3.4:10).
51? His father had in fact enough money to take Horace while still young out of the local Venusian school run by Flavius and personally supervise his education at Rome under the strict disciplinarian Orbilius (S.1.6:71-88). Horace notes in the same passage (ll. 78-80), and in contradiction to S.1.6:71, that his clothing and attendant slaves suggested the son of a man with great ancestral wealth (rather than the acquired wealth his father had earned). During his secondary schooling in these Roman years, Horace studied the poetry of Livius Andronicus (E.2.1:69-71) and Homer (E.2.2:41-42).
46 Around age 19 Horace went to study moral philosophy and theory of knowledge at Athens (E.2.2:43-45), which served both as a university and finishing school for young upper-class Romans. One of his "classmates" was the son of Cicero.
44 M. Brutus the "liberator" arrived in Athens about autumn some six months after the assassination of Julius Caesar and began to attend philosophical lectures with the intention of recruiting young Romans to his cause as junior officers (Plutarch, Brutus 24 and Cicero ad Brutum 1.14 and 2.3.6). Horace fell under his sway (E.2.2:46-48), as did M. Cicero, and joined the hopeless attempt to reestablish the Republic.
43 Horace accompanied Brutus to Asia minor on his staff in late 43 or early 42 (as 1.7, the first of the satires and written before the Battle of Philippi in 42, clearly shows). Sometime before Philippi, Brutus appointed him without prior experience to the high post of military tribune (S.1.6:48-49), a position normally held only by sons of senators or equestrians intent on a magisterial or military career. It is very likely that Horace was already an eques on the basis of the equestrian census of 400,000 sesterces before this appointment (Lyne 3n7 and 7f).
42 Horace fought at the Battle of Philippi in November, which ended with the rout of Brutus' army and the suicides of both Brutus and Cassius. In C.2.7:9-14 he tells an otherwise unknown friend Pompeius, who also fought with him at the battle, that he threw away his shield during the panic retreat. In ancient warfare, this was the preeminent sign of cowardice. But since Archilochus it had been a conventional poetic motif, and Horace's use may only reflect his characteristic ironical self-deprecation as well as his sensitivity to Pompeius, who also took part in the celeris fuga (see Fraenkel 12).
41? However he did it, Horace fled from the field and, pardoned by the victorious triumvirate of Octavian, Antony and Lepidus, eventually made his way back to Rome where he found his paternal townhouse and estate confiscated (E.2.2:49-51). He claims that poverty drove him to write poetry (E.2.2:51-52), but he apparently still had enough monetary resources to purchase a sinecure as scriba questorius, or quaestor's clerk, in the Treasury (Vita).
39 It is likely he had been working in the early 30s on the hexameter poems that would become the first book of Satires and perhaps a few of the Iambi. He must have been showing these works about, probably with the intention of gaining a patron, since his fellow poets Vergil and Varius introduced him to C. Cilnius Maecenas in 39 or 38. Some nine months after the first introduction, at which Horace could just stammer out a greeting, Maecenas accepted him into his circle of friends between late 39 and early 37 (S.1.6:54-62). Throughout his poetry, Horace always represents his relationship with Maecenas as based on mutual regard and friendship independent of their social relationship (I.1:2 and 23-24, S.1.6:49-54, S.1.9:45-60, 2.6:29-58). He clearly wished to dispel any notion that their relationship was one of patron to indigent or social-climbing client.
38 Horace was probably present with Maecenas at Octavian's naval defeat off Cape Palinurus in 38 (Mankin 4 and C.3.4:28).
35 Publication of the first book of Satires, perhaps in the winter of 36/5 (Brown 3).
33? Sometime before 31, Horace acquired the famous Sabine farm (Lyne 6n18 and Muecke 194 and S.2.6:55n). From very early times it has been an inference from C.2.18:12-14 that Maecenas gave Horace the farm, but neither he nor Suetonius says that. A more probable interpretation of the passage in the ode is that Horace, satisfied with his Sabine farm, need not ask anything of his powerful friend (Mankin 2n13). Horace certainly did receive very substantial gifts from Maecenas (I.1:31-32, C.3.16:38 and E.1.7:14-28), but he was careful to represent them as freely given by friend to friend without ties of obligation (see 39BC above). There is no evidence that the poet, as both eques and scriba, was dependent on these or on patronage in general for his livelihood. Horace possessed at least three and possibly five properties, one of which and perhaps two were in the fashionable Tiburtine district (Lyne 9-11). It is also highly probable that Horace received monetary gifts from Augustus (Lyne 191n26), as did Vergil and Varius, each of whom got 1 million sesterces for their literary activities. Vergil is reported to have possessed 10 million sesterces ex liberalitatibus amicorum (at a time when the property qualifications for a senator were 1.2 million sesterces) and a house on the Esquiline next to the fabulously wealthy Maecenas: "These poets were rich, paid (as I have said) more like stars than academics" (Lyne 11).
31 Horace was present with Maecenas at the Battle of Actium on 2 September 31 BC (Mankin 2 and I.9.3n).
30 Publication of the second book of Satires and the Epodes.
23 Publication of Books 1-3 of the Carmina in the latter half of the year (N&H 1.xxxvii).
20 Publication of Epistles 1 in 20 or early 19 (Mayer 10).
19 The Epistle to Florus (2.2), between late 20 and autumn 19 (Rudd 12-13).
17 Performance of the "Carmen Saeculare," commissioned by Augustus, at the close of day on 3 June 17BC (Vita)
13 Publication of the fourth book of Carmina, commissioned by Augustus (Vita). See Putnam 23n6 on the date.
12? The Epistle to Augustus (2.1), commissioned by Augustus (Vita) and composed quite probably in early 12 (Rudd 1-2).
10? The Epistle to the Pisones or, as it is better known, the "Ars Poetica" (Rudd 19-21).
8 Horace died of a sudden illness shortly before his 57th birthday on 27 November 8BC, 59 days after the death of his patron Maecenas. He named Augustus his heir by dictated will, since the sudden onset of illness prevented him from writing and signing a formal will. He was buried on the Esquiline Hill next to the tomb of Maecenas.(all details from the Vita).
Brink, C. O., Horace on Poetry. Prolegomena to the Literary Epistles. Cambridge, 1963.
Brink, C. O., Horace on Poetry. The 'Ars Poetica.' Cambridge, 1971.
Brink, C. O., Horace on Poetry. Epistles Book II. The Letters to Augustus and Florus. Cambridge, 1982. These three works constitute the largest detailed study of Horace's critical writings ever attempted in modern times. The gravamen of their argument makes Horace the most complex and subtle poet of poetic theory in the western tradition. Brink has had an impact far beyond the specific focus of his inquiry, and anyone who cares about poetry should read him.
Brown, Michael P., Horace Satires I. Warminster, 1993. A Latin text with facing prose translation and commentary that, among other things, tries to explore Horace's artistry in S.1. This edition, with its companion volume below by Frances Muecke, is published by Aris & Phillips in a series of Greek and Latin texts with literal prose translations and commentaries. The series is useful but varies greatly in quality; only the poor printing is uniform. The sewn paperback editions are much better buys than the very expensive hardbacks.
Commager, Steele, The Odes of Horace. A Critical Study. New Haven, 1962. (The 1995 University of Oklahoma reprint has an appreciative foreword by David Armstrong.) This is another contender for the best general introduction to Horace. Commager's book is longer and more detailed than Wilkinson's, but also less sharply etched. He was heavily influenced by the New Criticism, and thus his individual critiques of odes have a richer, more complex ironical chiaroscuro than much in Fraenkel. Indeed, Commager casts his book as a direct rival to the approach of Fraenkel, but is distinctly weak in his treatment of the political odes where Fraenkel is at his best.
Fraenkel, Eduard, Horace. Oxford, 1957. This is a monumental study of selected poems drawn from the I, S, C and E that traces Horace's entire poetic career. The selection is in part personal to Fraenkel, but the breadth of his grasp enables him to open up the entire body of Horace's work in the process of discussing the selections. Fraenkel assumes a knowledge of Latin and Latin literature in general, but the forbidding look of Germanic scholarship should not deter the Latinless from reading it. Those who venture here will find not only vast scholarship but a very human, personal critic quite ready to express his opinion. Fraenkel's exploration of the debt Horace owed Pindar in his six Roman odes (C.3.1-6), and the problems produced by the "anxiety of influence" as it has been recently called, is without equal in all Horatian scholarship.
Garrison, Daniel H., Horace Epodes and Odes. Norman and London, 1991. Includes Introduction, Latin text, notes, maps, and four appendices: biographical sketches of people named in the poems, meters, literary terms, and E. M. Forster's "The Death of Cleopatra."
Lyne, R. O. A. M., Horace. Behind the Public Poetry. New Haven and London, 1995. Lyne provides a fascinating tour through the complexities Horace faced in his relations with the powerful patrons Maecenas and Augustus. The heart of this study is a close examination of the "grand addressees" of C.1-3 and the ways that one ode can, from its different structural position, insidiously "sap" or undercut another.
Mankin, David, Horace Epodes. Cambridge, 1995. A Latin text and very full commentary in the Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics series (CGLC). This is currently the premier series of Greek and Latin commentaries for students, with far better editing and printing than the Aris & Phillips editions. The sewn paperback editions here are also a much better buy than the hardbacks. Mankin's commentary is the only one we now have in English providing all the historical and philological means to appreciate these relatively neglected poems.
Mayer, Roland, Horace Epistles Book I. Cambridge, 1994. A Latin text and commentary in the CGLC series.
Mulroy, David, Horace's Odes and Epodes. Translated with an Introduction and Commentary. Ann Arbor, 1994. Mulroy provides an excellent general introduction to a fairly lackluster set of translations cast in regulated accentual meters. Readers should not be misled by the word "Commentary" in the subtitle: the commentary here is nothing more than a brief series of explanatory notes on names and historical references appended to each translation.
Muecke, Frances, Horace Satires II. Warminster, 1993. A companion volume with Michael P. Brown's edition of S.1.
Nisbet, R. G. M., Hubbard, M., A Commentary on Horace Odes I. Oxford, 1970.
Nisbet, R. G. M., Hubbard, M., A Commentary on Horace Odes II. Oxford, 1978. The two volumes of N&H constitute one of the greatest Classical commentaries of this century and are indispensable for anyone serious about reading Horace's odes in Latin. The commentaries provide no Latin text, but even the Latinless will profit from their lucid and economical remarks. N&H open each ode with a brief list of prior critical studies, a paraphrase in English, a discussion of the background along with any Greek or Latin analogues and finally a capsule aesthetic evaluation. After this introduction, they provide a line-by-line commentary whose riches hold us all in their debt.
Putnam, Michael C. J., Artifices of Eternity. Horace's Fourth Book of Odes. Ithaca and London, 1986. This is currently the only comprehensive study of C.4 in English. Putnam provides a Latin text of each ode, an accurate prose translation and a sustained aesthetic analysis that argues (against received opinion) for their artistic success as a pendant to C.1-3.
Rudd, Niall, Horace Epistles Book II and Epistle to the Pisones ('Ars Poetica'). Cambridge, 1989. A Latin text and commentary in the CGLC series by one of the finest critics of Horatian satire.
Shackleton Bailey, D. R., Q. Horati Flacci Opera. Stuttgart. 1985. This is the standard Latin edition of Horace's works in the Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana series (usually just called "BT," or "Teubners," for short). The 1985 edition came with a long list of corrigenda that were corrected in the second (1991) and third (1995) editions.
Syndikus, H. P., Die Lyrik des Horaz, vol. I. Darmstadt, 1972.
Syndikus, H. P., Die Lyrik des Horaz, vol. II. Darmstadt, 1973. This, along with N&H, is the other major commentary on the odes. For those who read German, Syndikus covers C.1-4 with full, nuanced and penetrating literary analyses in a series of short essays. Their depth of understanding and compaction of comment belie their length. Syndikus is commonly raided, often without attribution, for the seeds of ideas that later sprout into full papers.
West, David, Horace Odes I. Carpe Diem. Text, Translation and Commentary. Oxford, 1995. West's facing translations are rough accentual versions very little different than prose, but the brief commentaries are full of rare common sense and wisdom. Unlike many commentators who see Horace as a disengaged ironist rarely if ever conveying genuine lived emotion, West views Horace as "a profound poet of love, religion, and friendship" (ix) and tries to demonstrate that in his book.
Wickham, E. C., Q. Horati Flacci Opera, 2nd ed. H. W. Garrod. Oxford, 1912. This is an inexpensive and widely-used Latin edition in the Oxford Classical Text series.
Wilkinson, L. P., Horace and his Lyric Poetry. Cambridge, 2nd ed.1951. (The corrected 1968 reprint of the second edition is now available as a paperback from Bristol Classical Press.) This is arguably the best single introduction to Horace's poetry that we have: it is clear, balanced, thorough and imbued with a deep sympathy for the poet. The verve and aphoristic power of the writing make it a painless delight to read.
Williams, Gordon, Tradition and Originality in Roman Poetry. Oxford, 1968. An outstanding study that many consider the best of its kind. It provides an invaluable background to Horace's own work, and is in fact a contender for the book on Horace.
Williams, Gordon, The Third Book of Horace's Odes. Oxford, 1969. This is currently the only English commentary on C.3. It was designed primarily for British sixth-formers and undergraduates. Williams offers a Latin text of each ode, a prose translation and a short critical essay. The introduction has a good section on the Horatian style, but offers virtually no help with meters. An appendix gathers some Greek sources and analogues (all translated). Despite the brevity of the running essays, there is much worth reading here.
Horace in English, edd. D. S. Carne-Ross and Kenneth Haynes, intro. D. S. Carne-Ross. London: Penguin Books, 1996. This anthology of Horatian translations provides a convenient one-volume chronological survey of translations from Surrey to the modern period. It covers most of Horace's work in a wide variety of translational techniques. The introduction by Carne-Ross is generally sensible and helpful except for his comments on Auden's meters, which are wildly wrong (p. 46). The greatest defect of the collection, aside from a partiality for certain translators--at least one of whom should never touch Horace--is the complete lack of any representative translations by J. B. Leishman.
Leishman, J. B., Translating Horace. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1956. This is the most successful of the very few sustained attempts to translate Horace using accentual templates. Leishman translates 30 odes and introduces them with a long discussion of the structure of the Horatian ode and a detailed account of his own methods. The primary weaknesses are his tendency to distort stanza structure, to paraphrase needlessly and (perhaps worst of all) to pad out Horace so that most of his aphoristic point is completely lost. Nevertheless, these are great efforts and should be reprinted. Their silent exclusion from Horace in English speaks volumes for the editors' taste.
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to the translations of Horace's Odes.
Location: http://www.uky.edu/AS/Classics/gender.html
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The History |
Source: http://www.icefields.com/KluanePark/Home.html
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source: http://www.tenniscollegelucania.com/
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View
of reconstructed bronze cauldron.
Height: 80 cm (without lions).
Diameter: Ca. 104 cm. Capacity: 500 liters.
Reconstructed stand made of wood and iron (Krauße
1996, 28 ff., 57-60)
|
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View
of Celtic lion ("the rat").
After Biel
1985
Date: Cauldron: Ca. 530 (between 540 and 520) BCE. Celtic Lion 3: Ca. 520-500 BCE.
The cauldron stood to the north of the bronze couch
on a locally-made stand of wood and iron. Originally made in Magna Graecia, it
was altered considerably after having been imported into the Celtic lands. Three
handles with spool attachments and a third, locally-made lion were attached to
the rim. It contained local honey-mead, traces of which, and of the pollen
grains in the honey, have been preserved. (Gauer
1985, 125 ff.)
Stuttgart: Württembergisches Landesmuseum.
Source: http://www.iath.virginia.edu/~umw8f/Barbarians/Sites/Hochdorf/Hd_cauldron.html
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| (September/October 1998) ITALIAN MARKET Oil in Lucania by Francesco Unali
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Viggiano Oil Center is still active. The new plant which was built seven
years ago, with the support of the National Hydrocarbon Industries (ENI)
can process 10.000 barrels of crude oil of a day.
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Source: http://www.galileonet.it/galileo_eng/archivio/doss/9810/6_art.html
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| Malter
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Ancient Coins and Antiquities featuring Greek Silver Coins.![]() Item Images (All images for auction are available on-line) PART I GREEK COINAGE
CELTIC
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3. Gaul, c. 100 B.C. AR unit in imitation of a Roman Republican denarius. (2.23g). The helmeted head of Roma r., badly double-struck, the CO of COS II still visible./ Horseman riding r., holding a spear; intelligible legend below. De la Tour, pl. XVII, #5864. VG/EF and strange. $ 75
ITALY
4. Umbria, Tuder. 3rd century B.C. AE Quadrans. (18.57g) Toad with dots around / VT, Anchor. Thurlow-Vecchi 166. a VF with an attractive light green patina. A nice example for the issue. $ 500
5. Campania, Neapolis. AR Obol. (.70g) head of Apollo r., NE above the head of a man-headed bull facing. BMC 1,44. Nice VF. $ 150
6. Campania, Neapolis. c. 275 - 250 B.C. AR Nomos.(7.11g) Head of a nymph l. wearing a triple pendant ear-ring and a necklace; poppy behind /NEOPOLITWN in ex, a man-headed bull walking rt. being crowned by Nike; IS below bull. SNG ANS 400. Good aVF. $ 225
7. Campania. Phistelia. 380-350 B.C. AR Obol. (.53g). Young male head., without neck, three-quarter facing / Oscan legend. Barleycorn between mussel-shell and dolphin. BMC 1.4-6. Nicely toned EF. $ 200
8. Apulia, Luceria. 3rd century B.C. AE Quincunx. Head of Athena r. wearing a Corinthian helm / LOVCERI, between spokes. Also an AE Sextans from Caelia. 3rd century B.C. Crested head of Athena r. / Nike advancing lt. Both grade F. $ 150/2
9. Lucania, Herakleia. c. 281-268 B.C. AR Didrachm (6.53g). Head of Athena r. wearing a Corinthian helm. / HRAKLEI1TWN Herakles, naked. stg. l., resting on a club and bow. A lion's skin is over his shoulder. BMC 1,33. AboutVF/F. $ 250
10. Lucania, Herakleia. c. 380-281 B.C. Lot of 2 AR fractionals both with crested head of Athena r. / Herakles strangling a lion. Average grade F. BMC 19. $200/2
11. Lucania. Metapontum. c. 550-470 B.C. AR 1/3 Nomos. (2.36g) Ear of Barley with six grains. / Incuse of the same. Pozzi 161. aVF with some encrustation. $ 350
12. Lucania, Metapontum. c. 330-300 B.C. AR Stater. (7.43g) Head of Demeter l. wearing corn-wreath, ear-ring and necklace. / META, Ear of barley. VF. $ 400
13. Lucania, Thourioi. c. 420 B.C. AR Nomos. (7.59g) Head of Athena r. wearing an Attic helm. / QOYPIWN bull butting r., fish in ex. SNG ANS 881. F with some obv. dings and flatness of strike on rev. $ 200
14. Lucania, Thourioi 3rd century B.C. AR sixth. (1.16g) Head of Athena rt. wearing an Attic helm / QOYPIWN, butting bull r., star in ex. Also included an AE-15. Laureate hd. of Apollo l. / QOYPIWN, winged thunderbolt, monogram below. SNG Cop. 1509. Both about VF and attractive. $ 200/2
15. Lucania, Velia. c. 365-340 B.C. AR Nomos. (7.40g) Head of Athena l. wearing an Attic helm inscribed with a griffin. Monogram behind neck. / YELHTEWN, Stag kneeling l. , being attacked by a lion. BMC 111. A nice aVF, but with a test punch behind head of Athena. $ 300
16. Lucania, Velia. c. 365-340 B.C. AR Nomos. (7.36g) Head of Athena lt. wearing an Attic helm inscribed with a Griffin. A monogram is behind neck. / YELHTEWN, lion walking rt., caduceus above. Pozzi 264; ex Malter 8/68. A handsome VF. $ 350 |
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